Saturday, July 25, 2009
Election Day – 25th July
Thursday, July 23, 2009
Day Thirty Three - Election Monitors Arrive In Iraq's Kurdish Region
Hamdiya al-Husseini, the chairwoman of the Kurdish region's electoral commission, told RFI that about 350 foreign monitors have been registered along with over 7,000 local observers.
She said the international monitors come from various European countries, the United States, the National Democratic Institute, the International Republican Institute, and the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad.
There are also many observers from Middle Eastern countries. Husseini said the broad turnout shows the international interest in the Kurdish region's elections and serves as a safeguard for a free and fair vote. Hakam al-Shahwani, the UN representative for the Kurdish elections, told RFI that the local monitors were selected by the UN mission from NGO workers.
He added that most of the 7,000 local monitors are well known to the UN, which has been closely working with them over the past five years.
Shahwani said the entire monitoring operation is funded by the EU. NGO coordinator Hoger Chatu told RFI that the presence of international observers will hopefully persuade any poor losers from making unfounded accusations of fraud.
Kurdish voters will go to the polls on July 25 to elect a new president of the Kurdistan regional government and choose candidates from some 30 political entities and coalitions for the 111-seat regional parliament.
Source: Radio Free Europe/ Radio Liberty
Days Thirty Two and Thirty Three - Troubled times in Iraqi Kurdistan
Ranj Alaaldin - Guardian.co.uk
On Saturday, Iraqi Kurdistan holds its parliamentary and presidential elections. Two parties, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic party (KDP), have historically governed the region with unassailable power and are joining forces under one list for these elections. They will almost certainly be returned to power by the voters.
Though the status quo is likely to continue for a while, in the longer term there are serious questions to be asked about the future of the PUK. Formed in 1975 by Jalal Talabani (now Iraqi president) it started off as a leftist umbrella organisation and gradually became a centrist social democratic movement.
Since its inception the PUK has overcome numerous threats to its existence, including breakaway groups in the 1980s, civil war with the KDP in the mid-1990s, and a Baghdad dictatorship up until 2003. Now, as well as being a major force within Kurdish politics, the party also has a commanding presence in Baghdad politics through Talabani's presidency and the deputy premiership of Dr Barham Salih.
Despite its achievements, the PUK is plagued with discontent and division. Talabani, in charge of the party for nearly 34 years, has been denounced for holding unaccountable power and privileges, and now sees criticism transformed into resignations and a factional battle that pits so-called reformists against his so-far loyal circle of followers. Despite umpteen promises, and much to the dismay of party officials, Talabani has continuously delayed holding a PUK congress. The restlessness showed in February when four senior-ranking officials resigned in protest against the lack of reform.
As it stands, the lethargic PUK, led by an ailing leader, plays second fiddle to the financially more powerful, organised, effective and systematically-run KDP, led by Massoud Barzani, which is on course to become the only source of authority within the region. Discontent may exist within the KDP too, but it is not easily identifiable. KDP members unconditionally accept that they operate within an uncompromising hierarchical system. Talabani may still see no reason to concede, however. Despite countless challenges to his leadership over the past 10 years, his hold on power has so far remained unscathed.
But post-2003 Iraq presents a dramatically altered reality for Talabani and his party. Talabani's former deputy and co-founder of the PUK, Newshirwan Mustafa, an intellectual who led a significant faction within the PUK, has left the party, formed his own list to contest the elections, and taken his followers with him. Like others before him, Mustafa attempted to change the party from within, but failed. Now, his "Change" list, backed by a powerful media platform, offers voters an alternative with promises of reform and modernisation.
The uncertainty that Mustafa has injected into the PUK – and the current election – could complicate things with devastating effect. He gives a discontent electorate the chance to voice their disenchantment in unprecedented fashion and could thus attract the protest vote, particularly in his hometown, but also the PUK stronghold province of Sulaymania.
The consequences would be far-reaching: a disgraced PUK would lose its commanding presence in parliament, lose the confidence of the electorate and give way to unchecked KDP dominance. The party could, therefore, find itself rapidly and irreversibly deteriorating. Of course, the PUK could still perform well at the polls, and is likely to do so, but there is another matter that could help to trigger the PUK's destruction – the choice of Kurdistan's next regional prime minister.
The PUK and KDP, as a coalition government, have a number of agreements to divide key governmental positions equally between them. The Kurdistan region presidency, for example, is held by the KDP in return for its support for a Talabani presidency in Baghdad. Most important of all is the KRG premiership which carries a host of decision-making powers. A KDP official, Nechirvan Barzani, also holds this position. He should have relinquished the role to the PUK in 2008 but, with Talabani's consent and against the will of PUK politburo members, is to carry on until after the elections; the understanding was that he would then make way for leading PUK candidate Barham Salih.
However, these power-sharing arrangements will start to break down if the PUK becomes perceived as a party in decline and, in light of the current climate of tumultuousness surrounding the PUK, the KDP is still yet to publicly endorse any PUK candidate; in accordance with strategic nous, it will push to keep its options open rather than commit to any agreement at a time of great uncertainty for its historic rival.
Of note is that Talabani has so far remained indifferent to this and as a result leaves himself vulnerable to targeted exploitation and pressure by the KDP which could aim for increased concessions. In doing so, the concern is that, with his back to the wall and confidence almost lost in party cadres, Talabani considers the PUK beyond repair and sacrificial, and is now focused on a power-hoarding process that secures another presidential term and, in the longer-run, personal rather than PUK interests that extend beyond the political arena. Specifically, discontent members fear that Talabani is looking ahead and in anticipation of a power-struggle within the PUK is grooming his son to be his successor. He may therefore acquiesce to a KDP premiership to secure long-term family interests, irrespective of the election outcome.
But inaction is not an option for the PUK. Failure to get the premiership, reinvigorate itself and failure to act astutely and decisively could individually and/or collectively trigger the complete breakdown of the party. The PUK could soon find itself with a disillusioned electorate that no longer takes it seriously and a humiliated rank and file that no longer will be content with another four years of increased KDP political prowess while the PUK destroys itself. For Talabani, it is no longer feasible to rely on patronage and sycophants; it is nigh time for him to choose between becoming either the PUK's greatest asset or its greatest liability.
Tuesday, July 21, 2009
Day Thirty One - Expectations of wide participation in Kurdistan's elections
Member of the central Committee of the Kurdistan Communist Party Zerk Kamal, told Aswat al-Iraq news agency "the elections will witness a wide participation from voters as there are several candidates for the presidency, in addition to the electoral lists which reached 24 in the elections."
Speaker of the Kurdistan's parliament, Adnan Mufti, had said on Sunday (July 19) that "we expect 80 percent participation of Kurdish voters in the coming elections."
The IHEC has set July 25 as the date for parliamentary elections in the Kurdistan region. The elections will coincide with the presidential polls.
A total of 507 candidates from several political blocs and five alliances are competing for 111 seats in the upcoming parliamentary polls.
Parliamentary polls in the region were scheduled to be held on May 19, but were postponed due to the Parliament's endorsement of the amended law on elections.
For her part, the spokesperson for the Kurdistan List, Suzanne Khala, said "there are several voters who will participate in the electoral process on July 25," asserting that it's an indicator that Kurds are eager to practice the democratic process and to express their opinion.
"I expect that the participation percentage will reach 80 percent as there are some people who do not wish to exercise their electoral rights and I'm sorry for that, but there is never 100 percent participation in any elections in the world. 80 percent is a very encouraging percentage," she added.
Leader of the Kurdistan Islamic Union, Hamed Mohamed, said that he believes that the participation percentage will range between 50 and 70 percent.
Rebin Rasoul, a political analyst, voiced belief that elections will witness a high participation percentage.
He said that voters have expressed eagerness and desire to take part in the elections as there is a strong competitiveness to win parliamentary seats.
"Voters believe that their votes have value and are different than those in former elections," he added.
Head of the Tamouz organization for social development, Fiyan Sheikh, agreed with Rasoul that the elections will witness a high participation percentage which will reach 80 percent.
"We will watch the elections. We started from the stage to register voters, and we are currently monitoring the electoral campaign," she said.
Source - Kurdish Globe
Monday, July 20, 2009
Day Thirty - Interview with Mala Baxtiar
Interview by Wladimir van Wilgenburg
Interview found here , http://www.ekurd.net/mismas/articles/misc2009/7/independentstate2943.htm
Sunday, July 19, 2009
Day Twenty Nine - PKK rebels back re-election of Kurd chief Barzani
But the Turkish Kurd rebel group, which has long taken refuge in remote mountainous bases in northern Iraq, declined to officially endorse any candidates in the July 25 election.
"We do not support any presidential candidates in Kurdistan, but we think that Massud Barzani is capable of carrying out this job in these sensitive times," senior PKK official Murad Qiralian told AFP in an interview.
Regarding legislative elections, which will be held alongside the presidential polls, Qiralian said the PKK had "chosen to be neutral and we do not support any particular list against another."
"We hope that the elections will be free and democratic, though we think that democracy has been violated with the banning of the al-Amal list from participating," he added in the Qandil mountains where he is based.
Iraq's electoral commission barred the Al-Hal party, which is close to the PKK from participating in the vote with its Al-Amal (hope in Arabic) list -- a decision seen by the party as politically-motivated.
The PKK, listed as a terrorist group by Ankara and much of the international community, took up arms in 1984, sparking a conflict that has claimed about 45,000 lives.
Ankara has long accused Iraqi Kurds of aiding the PKK but during a visit to Baghdad by Turkish President Abdullah Gul in March, his Iraqi counterpart Jalal Talabani -- himself a Kurd -- warned the rebels to lay down their guns or leave the country.
Six candidates have registered to contest the presidency in the Kurdish elections, including Barzani, while around 40 political entities have registered to contest the 111 seats in the assembly.
The vote will also mark the first time the president of the autonomous region of Kurdistan will be elected by popular vote. In 2005, Barzani was elected by the local parliament.
Source : AFP
Saturday, July 18, 2009
Week Four – Election Report
However, to everybody’s surprise the incident was not aired by KNN in their evening news. Senior members of the Change list explained that they did not report the news because they believed it would be counterproductive as it threatened to scare vast numbers of people away from the their list.
Following this, a high profile incident, involving Shiekh Jaffar Shekh Mustafa the KRG’s Minister of Defence and Peshmerga Affairs turned the KNN /‘Change stance’ on its head. Shiekh Jaffar Shekh Mustafa, had according to media outlets “personally attacked unarmed [“Change” List supporters], assaulted reporters and vandalised numerous cars in Sulaimaniyah’s Tooymalik Avenue.” This episode sparked a chain reaction of tit for tat attacks between both sets of supporters. While the violence claimed numerous victims the rival lists took the opportunity to use the incidents as propaganda against their rivals.
In a bid to bring the situation under control and to demonstrate authority, an arrest warrant was issued by Judge Sirwan Ahmed Salih at the Suleymania City Court for the arrest of Sheikh Jaffar. This was watershed for two reasons; first, it marked the first time that a Minister in the region has been given an arrest warrant by a regional court and second first reports of real election violence were now being reported on the airwaves.
In another of the weeks most notable shifts the international media and international community have began their coverage and rhetoric on the KRG elections. The coverage began with a Rudaw report suggesting 3000 international observers would be stationed in the region to monitor the election promise. This was then followed by International media outlets including Reuters, the Washington Post, and the Economist.
The British Consul also made this the first week that they publicly discussed the election process, taking an expected neutral stance they praised the Kurdish Region but warned that they must not be complacent and must be aware of violence that may erupt as a result.
Friday, July 17, 2009
Day Twenty Seven - As Election Day Nears Fear of Violence Looms
Sulaimaniya- Clashes between supporters of the Kurdistani and the Change lists in the past few nights raise concerns that the elections process might turn to a civil war.
For the third consecutive nights rallies of the Kurdistani and the Change lists turned into violence in Sulaimaniya. On Saturday night (July 11) guards of the former Sulaimaniya head of Security (Asaish) Sarkaw Hassan, assaulted three riot policemen in Tui Malik Street.
The street has become a scene of rallies by the supporters of both factions.
The Kurdistan parliamentary and presidential elections will be held on July 25.
On Sunday night, the Minister of Peshmarga Affairs, Ja’far Mustafa, along with some of his guards assaulted a riot policeman and detained him for some time. The policeman, Dastan Ahmed Ghafur, later filed a lawsuit against Minister Mustafa. A judge in Sulaimaniya has ordered the Minister’s arrest.
On Tuesday night sounds of fire were heard in Tui Malik neighborhood and there were reports of at least one injury.
At least 37 people have been taken to the Emergency Room in Sulaimaniya since the election campaigns started on June 25, according to statistics obtained by the Awene newspaper.
“It has been notices that the situation is getting complicated,” Zana Hama-Saleh, the spokesman of the Security Committee of the Sulaimaniya province, said. “We call on all the political entities that participate in the elections process to have responsible election campaigns.”
“Unless there is an agreement between the high ranked officials of the Kurdistani and the Change factions to normalize the election campaigns, there is potential of war between the two lists in Sulaimaniya and the surrounding areas,” said a source to Awene. The source said that one step that each factions can do is to take Peshmarga forces and military officials out of the election campaigns.
Source: Awene newspaper
Translated by Rudaw
Thursday, July 16, 2009
Day Twenty Six - Change is in the Air?
AS IRAQ’S Kurds prepare to vote on July 25th for a regional assembly and a president, the buzzword is Goran, meaning change. It is also the name of a new movement that is trying to defeat—or at least to dent—the two parties that came into their own when the Kurds won self-rule in 1991, after the Americans and their allies chased Saddam Hussein out of Kuwait in the south and then prevented him from beating up the Kurds in the north. The elections promise to be the most hotly contested during the Kurds’ current golden era of autonomy. As Change’s campaign gathers pace, its name and logo, an orange candle on a dark-blue background, is emblazoned on buses, taxis, T-shirts, baseball caps and balloons. The movement is on a roll. Whether this translates into votes in a society where patronage and clan loyalties still largely hold sway is not yet clear.
Change says it wants to improve the lives of Kurds across the region. It castigates the corruption and cronyism of the two main parties: the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP), long a fief of the Barzani clan in the north and western parts of the region around Dohuk and Erbil; and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), run by the Talabani clan in Sulaymaniyah province to the east and in the disputed lands to the south around Kirkuk.
Change also says the two established parties have done a poor job at defending Kurdish interests in the federal parliament in Baghdad. Kirkuk, the fiercely disputed city and province which the Kurds claim as theirs, is still in administrative limbo; the Arabs who run the national government in partnership with the KDP and PUK refuse to let it go or hold a promised referendum, though the Kurds control most of the area. Change says it agrees with its Kurdish rivals on territorial goals but would be better at achieving them.
The KDP and PUK, which were once deadly foes but have shared power for the past four years, are running for the region’s 111-seat assembly on a joint list. Also in the race is an odd alliance of moderate Islamist and secular parties. There are 24 lists in all, with 11 seats reserved for minorities such as Turkomans and Christians.
Change’s leader is Nawshirwan Mustafa, aged 65, who for many years played second fiddle in the PUK to Jalal Talabani, now Iraq’s national president. But two years ago Mr Mustafa broke away, saying that a KDP-PUK stranglehold over every aspect of life had bred corruption, cronyism and nepotism to the detriment of ordinary Kurds. A host of senior officials and thousands of PUK rank-and-file have followed Mr Mustafa; many have been expelled for sympathising with him.
Popularly known as Kak Nawshirwan (Kak being a term of respect for an elder brother), Mr Mustafa uses the Wusha Foundation, a media outfit that runs a daily newspaper, a popular website and a satellite TV station, to spread his message. “It’s time for pluralism, accountability and transparency in Kurdistan,” he says. “If we want to achieve our goals in Baghdad, we must sort out our own house first.”
The old two-party establishment has responded by drafting in Barham Salih, a widely respected PUK man who is Iraq’s deputy prime minister, to head its list. If the duopoly survives, he may replace the Kurdish region’s incumbent prime minister, Nechirvan Barzani, a KDP man who is a nephew of the region’s president, Masoud Barzani, the clan’s undisputed leader. Under an agreement between the KDP and PUK, the prime minister’s job was supposed to rotate every two years but turmoil in the PUK meant it failed to produce a candidate, so the younger Barzani has stayed put for four years. A row over the issue could well break out after the election.
No one seems to think that the position of the senior Barzani is under threat as the region’s top man. He heads the most powerful Kurdish clan unchallenged, as his father did before him. In a separate ballot on the same day as the assembly vote, Kurds are likely to re-elect him.
In general, they still appreciate the longest period of peace they have enjoyed for many years, especially compared with the continuing bloodshed farther south. Prosperity has grown. The infrastructure has improved. New oil wells are being sunk. But dissatisfaction with administrative shortcomings—in essence, corruption—has been growing too. If Change gets going, the old establishment may not last for ever.
Source: The Economist Print Edition
http://www.economist.com/world/mideast-africa/displaystory.cfm?story_id=14045276
Wednesday, July 15, 2009
Day Twenty Five - Blog Opinion Polls
Day Twenty Five – Violence
However, the violence is even more severe than is being reported on news media. On a visit to Chamchamal and at the beginning of the week I reported an exclusive story that a "Change" list supporter was a victim of a grenade attack, and I expected KNN to report the news as they were on also on the scene. The report was never aired and after asking why it wasn’t I was told by the channel that they were afraid the story would scare the public away from voting "Change" and that it was better not reported.
It is open to argument, how much of the violence has not been reported but one wonders what will happen after the 25th July and whether either side will accept the result? This election seems to be wide open, and with no trustworthy opinion polls to show any party in the lead, this election threatens to be an explosive one in the Kurdish Region.
Tuesday, July 14, 2009
Day Twenty Four - Internatinal Media Starts to Take an Interest
By Tim CocksReuters Tuesday, July 14, 2009; 9:46 AM
SULAIMANIYA, Iraq (Reuters) - Iraqi Kurds going to the polls this month are losing interest in age-old battles with Baghdad over land or oil, and starting to care more about the corruption that plagues their largely autonomous region.
Kurds vote on July 25 in parliamentary and presidential polls widely expected to return President Masoud Barzani to power and give an alliance of Kurdistan's two most powerful parties a comfortable majority in parliament.
Past polls were decided on the basis of how the Kurdistan regional government's (KRG) fared in its power struggle with Baghdad over disputed territories, like the oil-producing city of Kirkuk, energy contracts and Kurdish independence.
This time, issues closer to home like graft and a perceived lack of democracy in the northern enclave are taking precedence.
"I'm fed up with this government," said Lanja Karim, 32, as she played with an infant in a leafy park in Kurdistan's largest city of Sulaimaniya.
"I'm sick of hearing about Kirkuk and oil when there's so much corruption here. Who cares if the blood gets sucked out of Kirkuk by Baghdad or by the KRG? Someone still sucks our blood."
Such anger is unlikely to unseat Barzani, who is worshipped by many Kurds and whose smiling, red-turbaned image adorns almost every street, cafe and office in Sulaimaniya.
Nor is it likely to loosen the grasp of the ruling Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) - Kurdish Democratic Party alliance.
But by shifting the focus away from the tussle with Iraq's government, Kurds might be giving their leaders less reason to play hardball in a row that used to buy them easy popularity.
"These elections are more focused on domestic Kurdish issues as opposed to relations between Kurdistan and Baghdad," Iraqi deputy Prime Minister Barham Salih, a Kurd, told Reuters in Sulaimaniya, where he is heading up the PUK-KDP campaign.
"The focus is on the record of the KRG, services provided. On corruption, on accountability," he said in an interview.
HISTORY LOOMS LARGE
Kurdish politics, still reeling from the suffering inflicted on Kurds by Saddam Hussein, has often seem dominated by the KRG's various rows with the central government in Baghdad.
Saddam displaced hundreds of thousands of Kurds from Kirkuk, which Kurds see as their ancient capital, and other areas in a policy of "Arabisation." He killed thousands with poison gas in the 1980s in gruesome events Kurds will not forget soon.
But Kurds are increasingly focused on their own leaders, whom many see as corrupt, nepotistic and unaccountable. Some, like student Halo Khalil, 22, are barely old enough to remember Saddam. Kurdistan has enjoyed de facto autonomy since allied powers imposed a no-fly zone on Kurdistan in 1991.
"It's like Saddam all over again," Khalil said, to applause from his friends. "We swapped one dictatorship for another. The main parties control everything and don't give a damn about us."
Others complain about abuses by security forces, indimidation of a tiny independent media, mismanagement of public funds and an atmosphere seen as intolerant to dissent.
A new, independent candidate called Noshwan Mustafa is hoping to capitalize on these sentiments. His "Change" party is fielding a number of candidates for the parliamentary vote.
"The current situation is unbearable," Change spokesman Shaho Saeed said. "The governing parties are feeding off the problems between them and Baghdad to monopolize Kurdistan."
Saeed said the Change party policy was that the people of Kirkuk must decide its fate, not Kurdish authorities outside it.
The PUK-KDP say that they're taking measures against graft.
"There are some serious problems with corruption, mismanagement, lack of accountability...I do not want to underestimate the scale of the problem," Salih said. "(But) if you were to compare Kurdistan with any other part of Iraq its an amazing example of economic activity, openness and security."
(Writing by Tim Cocks; Additional reporting by Ahmed Ali; Editing by Angus MacSwan)
Source: The Washington Post
Monday, July 13, 2009
Day Twenty Three - KRG minister of Defence attacks civilians
In a bizarre turn yesterday, 11 July 2009, the Kurdistan Regional Government’s minister of Defence and Peshmerga affairs, Shiekh Jaffar Shekh Mustafa, personally attacked unarmed civilians, assaulted reporters and vandalised numerous cars in Sulaimaniyah’s Tooymalik Avenue.
As with all nights since the election campaign began, civilians in Sulaimaniyah city turned the streets of Iraqi Kurdistan’s biggest city blue with the navy flags of the movement for change.
However under the personal command of Sheikh Jaffar, Tooymalik avenue was closed of by the security forces and Sheikh Jaffar’s own personal bodyguard contingent at 9pm.
After closing the road and trapping the supporters of the movement for change in the narrow road. Sheikh Jaffar and his men then proceeded to vandalise the windscreens and tyres of the cars baring the flag of the movement for changes. It is reported that Shiekh Jaffar ordered his men to “kick every Gorran supporter” and he personally attacked children in the road who had Gorran flags attached to their bicycles.
When a news crew from KNN TV arrived to film the ministers behaviour, the security forces turned on the cameraman, destroying his camera, confiscating the tapes of the incident and using tazers on the cameraman himself.
The KNN news crew were only saved when some of the regions riot police force turned against the ministers armed retinue and intervened to help the cameraman escape. An officer in the riot police has reported that Sheikh Jaffar gave the order to “set fire to the Gorran supporters in their cars”. One source reports that a policeman who refused to attack civilians was personally assaulted by Shiekh Jaffar and is now recovering in hospital.
Shiekh Jaffars attack continued into the small hours of the morning when he abandoned the scene fearing that footage of his behaviour would be captured.
Shiekh Jaffar has made no comment on the incident as of now.
Day Twenty Three - KRG Minister of Defence Attacks Civilians
In a bizarre turn yesterday, 11 July 2009, the Kurdistan Regional Government’s minister of Defence and Peshmerga affairs, Shiekh Jaffar Shekh Mustafa, personally attacked unarmed civilians, assaulted reporters and vandalised numerous cars in Sulaimaniyah’s Tooymalik Avenue.
As with all nights since the election campaign began, civilians in Sulaimaniyah city turned the streets of Iraqi Kurdistan’s biggest city blue with the navy flags of the movement for change.
However under the personal command of Sheikh Jaffar, Tooymalik avenue was closed of by the security forces and Sheikh Jaffar’s own personal bodyguard contingent at 9pm.
After closing the road and trapping the supporters of the movement for change in the narrow road. Sheikh Jaffar and his men then proceeded to vandalise the windscreens and tyres of the cars baring the flag of the movement for changes. It is reported that Shiekh Jaffar ordered his men to “kick every Gorran supporter” and he personally attacked children in the road who had Gorran flags attached to their bicycles.
When a news crew from KNN TV arrived to film the ministers behaviour, the security forces turned on the cameraman, destroying his camera, confiscating the tapes of the incident and using tazers on the cameraman himself.
The KNN news crew were only saved when some of the regions riot police force turned against the ministers armed retinue and intervened to help the cameraman escape. An officer in the riot police has reported that Sheikh Jaffar gave the order to “set fire to the Gorran supporters in their cars”. One source reports that a policeman who refused to attack civilians was personally assaulted by Shiekh Jaffar and is now recovering in hospital.
Shiekh Jaffars attack continued into the small hours of the morning when he abandoned the scene fearing that footage of his behaviour would be captured.
Shiekh Jaffar has made no comment on the incident as of now.
Sunday, July 12, 2009
Day Twenty Two - Watchdog group to assign 3000 observers to Kurdistan
Rudaw- Yusif Hama-Salih, the manager of Rozh Network declared that they will seriously watch the elections and will disseminate the reports of the results inside and outside the country.
"We will collect data and watch the elections by PVT system, the most sophisticated and developed kind of observation and data dissemination system, which is to be introduced in the Middle East for the first time", he said.
Rozh Network which embraces almost 80 NGOs, was founded in Amman in 2004.
It watched the 2005 and 2009 elections in Iraq and Kurdistan, apart from its participation in watching the presidential elections of Poland and Yemen, and the parliamentary elections of Lebanon.
Hama-Salih believed that the Iraqi Independent High Electoral Commission (IHEC), in cooperation with the NGOs and the international observers, can avoid fraud, violations and interference in the elections and pave the way for a transparent elections process.
"Besides, all the rival political entities in the elections will have their own representatives in all the elections bases", said Hama-Salih, "And this in itself is a guarantee for avoiding swindle".
"Many officers of the commission are impartial people and work independently", he added, commenting on the rumor that the officers of the IHEC support the parties in authority.
Despite the word that many foreigner observers, apart from the 100 countries who will send their people to watch the elections in Kurdistan, an official from one of the participating lists in the elections believed that the presence of these observers to watch the elections cannot avoid rigging the results of the elections.
"This is because Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) will not let the international and local observers to watch the elections as it ought to be", said the official "so, the observers cannot avoid fraud",.
However, Hama-Salih stated that in the previous elections there was no obstacle for the observers and they watched the elections freely.
This time the elections in Kurdistan will be quite different from the previous elections as the greatest number of the observers will be available to watch the process. At the same time, the officials of IHEC have declared that they have taken firm measures to avoid rigging the results.
"We have trained three thousand people to watch the elections by PVT system which is the newest and the most developed system of surveillance in the Middle East. We will continually train them by holding workshops and then we will distribute them among the election bases, Zakho through Kfri", Hama-Salih stated, adding "We have a subtle plan for this purpose".
Recently, during the beginning of the elections campaign, the IHEC hasreceived dozens of complaints from the participating lists.
"We observe not only the elections on its due date but all the stages of the process till the end. All over the world the elections campaign is not totally perfect and free from shortcomings. There will be complaints. We advise the lists to respect the rules and laws of the commission and consider the feelings of their rivals and people into account so that they can achieve their votes", said Hama-Salih.
Source: Rudaw
Saturday, July 11, 2009
Blog Exclusive - Day Twenty One - Grenade Attack on a "Change" Supporter
Shkow Sharif
After appearing on television and pledging his support to the “Change” list, Adnan (a young Kurd) and his family became victims to a grenade attack on their home in Chamchamal.
The Grenade attack came at midnight while the family were asleep. Police reports say that the attacker or attackers where in car as they drove past the house and threw the grenade into the house where Adnans car was parked.
Fortunately, nobody was injured in the attack but Adnan’s BMW was extensively damaged.
Day Twenty One - British Comment on Elections
Response from the Foreign & Commonwealth Office regarding election in the south of Kurdistan
KurdishMedia.com - By Mufid Abdulla
11/07/2009 00:00:00
In respect of my letter sent to the British Prime Minister Gordon Brown on 8th May 2009 regarding the upcoming election in the south of Kurdistan, I would like to share the response with you, the Kurdish people and the KurdishMedia.com. The response is as follows.
‘Iraq is making steady progress on its democratic journey. We welcome this year the successful and peaceful provincial elections held in January, when the Iraqi people showed their determination to embrace the political process, and reject the false doctrine of violence. In Basra alone, the provincial elections saw 1,272 candidates, including 337 women compete for 35 seats on the local council.
You expressed strong concerns about the forthcoming elections in the Kurdistan Region. As you mention the date of the Kurdistan Region’s parliamentary elections (the first since 1992) has now been set: the elections will take place on 25 July. The UK is already active in offering assistance to the Iraqi Higher Electoral Committee (IHEC) to ensure the elections take place in a fair and transparent fashion.
In this regard, the British Consul General in Erbil met the local Chairman of IHEC, Mr Ali Ubed on 9 May to discuss IHEC’s preparations. The Chairman made it very clear that international election monitors would be welcome: IHEC expect to print 37,000 ID cards for international and local monitors.
Officials in the British Consulate General in Erbil and in the British Embassy in Baghdad are now considering the make-up of British election monitoring teams, and how they will be deployed. All three of our posts in Iraq (Erbil, Baghdad and Basra), in conjunction with the EU took part in successful election monitoring during the provincial elections in January.
In our messages to Iraqi leaders in Erbil and in Baghdad we will also continue to impress on them the importance of approaching elections, and their campaigns for those elections with a commitment to fairness and transparency. As the Prime Minister has said, there is still work to be done in Iraq, and we will continue to work with Iraqi authorities to help them develop their democratic institutions.’
Response from Alex Partridge, Iraq Group, Foreign and Commonwealth Office.
KurdishMedia.com - By Mufid Abdulla
11/07/2009 00:00:00
Week Three Election Report
"Change" Fights Back Week three also saw a response by the “Change” List to the mass rallies that had been conducted by the “Kurdistani” List. The “Change” list on Tuesday put on a major rally outside their base in the town of Chamchamal, which is considered one of the strong holds of the “Change” List. The rally was broadcast on KNN along with numerous other rallies across the Kurdish Region. The win here was also that the “Change” List was able to respond to the “Kurdistani” Lists celebrity endorsement, by flaunting there celebrity backing, the famous Kurdish Poet and writer, Farhad Sangawi and the famous Kurdish Veteran Mam (uncle) Rostam. However, The “Kurdistani” List keeping up the pressure also held mass rallies in the region attended by the Iraqi President and leader of the PUK Jalal Talabani, most notably in the town of Ranya.
The last point to note is the circling rumours that if the “Change” list fails to win an outright majority, which many outside the “Change” list will argue is highly unlikely; they are willing to form a coalition with the list of the Four Party Coalition which is expected to make major gains this year. The hope here is that this will tip the coalition over the majority needed to form the next government or allow them to form a major opposing force against the “Kurdistani” List.
Friday, July 10, 2009
Day Twenty - Kurdish Parliament Postpones Referendum On Constitution
The decision was made in an extraordinary session of parliament on July 9 in Irbil, the Kurdish capital. The referendum on the constitution was to be held on July 25 simultaneously with the region's parliamentary elections.But the region's election commission decided it could not organize both votes on the same day for technical reasons.
Parliament speaker Adnan Mufti said the Kurdish regional government (KRG), parliament presidium, and other competent bodies will work to set a new date for the referendum. Mufti said Kurds do not question the Kurdish election commission's independence and integrity but its decision not to hold the referendum simultaneously with the parliamentary elections "has been influenced by the bad publicity the constitution has received in Baghdad."
Shi'ite and Sunni Arab politicians in Baghdad have criticized the draft Kurdish constitution -- which has been approved by the Kurdish legislature -- as showing "secessionist" tendencies.
Mufti said that U.S. Vice President Joe Biden told Iraqi President Jalal Talabani -- an ethnic Kurd -- and KRG President Masud Barzani in a phone conversation that the Kurdish region is entitled to its own constitution, but should seriously consider the objections raised against it and resolve the situation through dialogue.
Kurdish lawmakers interviewed by RFE/RL after the parliamentary session expressed skepticism that a referendum will be held on the constitution in view of what they called "political pressure and prejudicial positions" against the document.
Source: Radio Free Europe: Radio Liberty
Thursday, July 9, 2009
Day Nineteen – A win for “Change”?
While the postponement of the referendum on the Kurdish Constitution is being played as another political game between Arabs and Kurds in the media the “Change” List are taking this as their first major blow against the ruling parties.
As the only major Kurdish opposition force against the current draft of the Kurdish Constitution, which they say gives too much power to the President, the “Change” list have, since its passing in parliament two weeks ago, been fiercely campaigning against it.
Its postponement by the Iraqi Electoral Commission has given the “Change” List a chance to flex their muscles to the Kurdish voters. After casual talks with some members I have been given the impression that the “Change” list is eager to use the opportunity to boast their national and international influence to the Kurdish People.
However, as we move in to the fourth week of campaigning with the finish line in sight the “Change” list, who are celebrating the postponement, will be well advised to tread carefully as the issue could still turn around and bite them in the rear.
Wednesday, July 8, 2009
Day Eighteen - Kurdish Constitutional Referendum Delayed
Tension between Kurds and Arabs, particularly around the northern, oil-rich area of Kirkuk, is seen as a major threat to Iraqi stability.
The election commission chairman, Faraj al-Haidari, said Kurds can't hold a referendum on a proposed constitution on the same day as elections for a regional parliament on July 25.
"The commission now has little time to prepare for the referendum, and we also have shortages and problems with vote papers and printing material," al-Haidari said.
The draft constitution would expand the boundaries of the Kurdish-run region to include Kirkuk, something strongly opposed by the Arab residents of the disputed city.
The Kurdish parliament planned to discuss the issue Thursday in the regional capital, Irbil.
Source: Associated Press writer Sameer N. Yacoub contributed to this report.
Tuesday, July 7, 2009
Days Sixteen and Seventeen – Two days with “Change”
Yesterday I arrived at the Chamchamal base; I met all the staff and drank a glass of tea (with a finger width of sugar at the bottom) and after talking with the staff I realised that my invitation did have another agenda. The office was planning a major rally to make up for lost ground in week two and they wanted as much coverage as possible. From personal knowledge I knew that Chamchamal was a “Change” list strong hold and hence expected a great show. The rally was planned for Today, Tuesday 7th July (Day Seventeen).
Yesterday was preparations day and news that the famous Kurdish poet Farhad Sangawi and the Kurdish legendary Peshmerga Mam Rostam were attending had the staff buzzing. The office staff accompanied by some of the towns youth were busy getting “Change” flags, posters, shirts and hats ready for the rally.
Today, the rally kicked off at five in the afternoon. It was a scene that I honestly had not seen so far in Kurdistan. The volume of people was overwhelming and there chants reminded me of times I had attended football matches in the UK. Shooting pictures from the roof I watched as a flood of supporters carried Farhad Sanghawi through the crowd and into the base where I was. After him came Mam Rostam, who has been going town to town rallying support for the “Change” list. Speeches from the candidates were followed by poems from Mr Sanghawi which in turn was followed by another speech from Mam Rostam. With the crowd warmed up it was time for a live performance of the “Change” list anthem which had the supporters dancing and clapping.
The rally was a great success and I think it will act as a major boost for the "Change" list as we move into the final weeks of the campaigns. Let me leave this post with the pictures I took from the rally which I feel speak for themselves.
Sunday, July 5, 2009
Day Fifteen – The Secret Voter?
On a two day fact finding trip to Irbil I was able to speak to a number of their citizens to gauge their opinions on the 2009 elections. To my surprise it seems that the “Change” list in Irbil, just like in Suleymania, has strong support. However, there seems to be an underlying sense of fear in KDP territories of airing there true feelings in public.
On my first encounter I left my hotel and haled a new yellow Kurdish Taxi. As the driver approached I noticed he went for his radio before stopping. I boarded thinking nothing of it and I asked him to take me to the city Bazzar. After starting a conversation with the driver I asked him how he saw the election. He looked over his shoulder (in Saddam Iraq type of way) and said “why don’t you tell me first?” I told the gentlemen that I had no affiliation but just an interested reporter. After showing him my British driving licence the man opened up to me. He said “press the on button on the radio” and as I did the station was set on Dangy Goran, the “Change” lists radio station. I couldn’t help but laugh and asked the man why he switched it off in the first place. He replied “I fear the consequences.”
Another notable encounter was again with another Taxi Driver. Who had a picture of the Kurdistan List logo on his red and white taxi. As I boarded I was hoping to fool the gentleman into thinking I was a “Change” list supporter so we could have a debate throughout the journey. I started by saying “What a horrid logo on your cab!” The driver looked at me puzzled and said “why who do you support?” I replied “Gorran” (“Change”). He looked at me and smiled and said “Thank God, I thought you were! Especially with your Suleymania accent, so am I.” He then turned the radio on and there again was Dangy Goran radio station pre tuned. I asked the man why he had the logo he just said “It makes things a lot easier.”
Having said all of this, there are also many supporters in the city that air their views in public. One of the shopkeepers whom I asked openly said he supported the “Change” List. I asked him if he wasn’t afraid to be so open. He said “I am done with being afraid, I wasn’t afraid of Saddam I will not be afraid of anyone.”
The “Change” list is also campaigning to end this fear by informing people that they need not be afraid. I was told by a “Change” List activist that “people who are scared shouldn’t air their views in public but should instead air their views in the ballot box where their vote is between them and god”
Day Fourteen - Massoud Barzani Left Red Faced By Election Blunder
However, there are now unconfirmed reports that the "Kurdistani" list are working on minimising the damage. The posters are being pulled down from the streets and there are rumours that the "Kurdistani" List are sending a delegation to try and win back the support of the Mother. Many fear she will be paid by the list to renounce her statement as part of their damage control exercise.
Friday, July 3, 2009
Week Two - Election Report
KRG Elections Begin to SizzleShkow Sharif
And lastly, there is an argument running the rounds in Iraqi Kurdistan that the “Change” list may have played their cards to early in the process. There big push in week one seems to have eaten into their funds. Halwest Subhi for instance, a keen young supporter of the “Change” list tells the blog that he wants to support the “Change” list but any time he approaches their offices they seem to be out of merchandise to help him push their message to others. Having said this, the ‘Change’ list’s support is still strong and causing commotion for the ‘Kurdistani’ list.
Week two is also the first time supporters clashed with each other and with riot police in Suleymania. This raises the question of what this squaring off will come too on results day. Will either list reject the result? How will they reject it? This is an issue worth keeping note of as we move past the halfway point and close in on Election Day.
The final point worth discussing is that the tail end of this week has seen the Kurdistan Presidential Elections heat up. There have been negotiations among the four challenging presidential candidates, although according to some reports not successful, to come together and to put forward only one candidate to go up against Massoud Barzani in order to strengthen the challengers vote. This is an issue to keep an eye on as we move into week three.
Day Thirteen – Presidential Challengers Disagree
To an outside observer it seems this may have been an attempt by the opposition to concentrate each individual support base in to one larger opposition movement to present a more credible challenge to the President.
Thursday, July 2, 2009
Day Twelve - Kurdistani Will Win In A Landslide?
“If we get less than 65 seats, it will be a bad result,” he told Rudaw. With 78 parliamentary seats, KDP and PUK currently make the majority of the Kurdistan Parliament.
The Kurdistani List is expected to lose votes in some areas of the region to the Change List which is headed by Nawshirwan Mustafa, the PUK’s former deputy secretary general.
“The weak point of the Kurdistani List is Sulaimaniya province,” said Iminki. “We have strong rival there; the Change List and the (Service and Reform) List.”
But Iminki is confident that the Kurdistani List will win the majority in Sulaimaniya, “In terms of quality and quantity (The Change List) doesn’t have such a historic place to become a very strong rival of the Kurdistani List.”
Source: Rudaw
Wednesday, July 1, 2009
Day Twelve - Guest Writer Shkar Sharif Lays Down His Thoughts For the "KRG 2009 Elections" Blog
"I fear the newspapers more than a hundred thousand bayonets."
Napoleon just like all the current Kurdish politicians, know the power of free media. A big problem within the KRG at the moment is the complete lack of transparency. There is no freedom of information and no accountability to the electorate. Free Media in Kurdistan will fill that gap to an extent. It allows John Milton's open marketplaces of ideas to flourish, giving each individual unlimited access to the ideas and opinions of their fellow citizens. On the other hand free media will be a third eye on the workings of our government. Keeping an over arching eye on our politicians and acting as a deterrent to those tempted to fall into corrupt ways. For free media to function correctly it needs to be protected by a justice system that surpasses every layer of society. Journalists need to feel safe and free; media companies need to be able to function without the fear of constant legal challenges from a justice system rooted in Partisan bias.
Finally, media organizations have a responsibility to report fairly and accurately. There are Kurdish news websites currently popular that spend most of there time posting rumors and defaming politicians based on hearsay (KurdistanPost). Kurdistan needs free press and freedom of expression but those media organisations expressing their views need to understand their responsibilities to the population. I would like to leave you with one final thought. One of the leading voices in the U.S. on the subject of Journalistic Standards and Ethics is the Society of Professional Journalists. The Preamble to its Code of Ethics states:
"Public enlightenment is the forerunner of justice and the foundation of democracy. The duty of the journalist is to further those ends by seeking truth and providing a fair and comprehensive account of events and issues. Conscientious journalists from all media and specialties strive to serve the public with thoroughness and honesty. Professional integrity is the cornerstone of a journalist's credibility."
Shkar Sharif (Guest Writer)
Day Eleven - Iraqi MPs slam planned Kurdish constitution
BAGHDAD (AFP) — Fifty Iraqi MPs on Monday condemned a planned new constitution for Iraqi Kurdistan that is to be put to a referendum at the end of July.
"Not only is it not compatible with the federal constitution but violates it and gives the (Kurdish) region more power than to Baghdad," Ossama al-Nujaifi of the secular Iraqi National List told reporters.
"This constitution stirs hatred between the different components of the Iraqi people ... and constitutes a provocation towards Iraq's neighbours by trying to build a Greater Kurdistan," he said.
Nujaifi signed a petition slamming the Kurdish constitution along with 49 other MPs, including Omar al-Juburi of the Concord Front, a Sunni bloc with 39 seats in parliament.
For Fawzi Akram of the Shiite Sadrist group, "this constitution will lead to a crisis in relations between the different components of the country."
Kurdish deputy Mahmud Othman, meanwhile, called for political leaders in Baghdad and Iraqi Kurdistan "to open a serious dialogue" and criticised the haste with which the referendum was decided.
"This was not the right way," he told AFP.
On June 24, Iraq's autonomous region of Kurdistan passed the new constitution in which it laid claim to the disputed oil-rich province of Kirkuk, a move likely to increase ethnic tension.
The text also said that areas within Nineveh and Diyala provinces were part of Iraqi Kurdistan. It is to be put before Kurdish voters for ratification on July 25.
The United Nations on April 22 handed over to the Baghdad government an eagerly awaited report on disputed areas of Iraq, including Kirkuk, in which it refused to contemplate the division of the deeply-contested province.
The Kurds have long striven to expand their northern territory beyond its current three provinces to other areas where the population was historically Kurdish.
Kurdistan, whose capital is Arbil in northern Iraq, has its own flag which is raised beside the federal flag, and also has its own slogan, national anthem and national day.
Source: http://www.google.com/hostednews/afp/article/ALeqM5jXYB05UObNTY93OMYbLuAECuOc_A
Day Eleven - I am confident that these elections will change the entire political map of Kurdistan
In the interview Rudaw Dr. Shaho Saeed, the spokesman for the Change List, explains the agenda of the list and his expectation for the List.
Rudaw: What is the agenda of your list?
Saeed: We believe that the ruling system of Kurdistan has to be changed, the region should be improved politically and the parliament, government institutions, civil society organizations and the judicial establishments all should be more active.
We have some strategic goals such as consolidating the democratic experience in Kurdistan and also improving the (basic) services.
We are confident that if we win the majority of the parliamentary seats or make that happen with our alliances, we can take serious steps in improving the ruling system of Kurdistan. The most important thing is to return the public wealth to the people and their representatives, in a way that leaves no room for corruption. We also want to change the security establishments in a way that they can protect people instead of the officials.
Rudaw: You referred to your "alliances". Have you decided to from alliance with any faction?
Saeed: We are ready to form alliance with any list or party in the parliament if they believe in our program. However until the elections are carried out we don’t discuss this subject.
Rudaw: Do you think that people believe in the agenda of parties?
Saeed: I don’t blame them if they have lost trust in the agenda of the lists, because so far the agendas have just been promises that were not kept. We are confident that we can carry out our agenda. We are dedicated to the people. Our goal is to change the authority and because our cause is shared by the public then people would trust our agenda.
Rudaw: What distinguishes your agenda from the agendas of the other lists?
Saeed: The difference is that we work to change the political system and not only the people in power.
Rudaw: Change List is popular in Sulaimaniya. Does this mean that you will win the hearts of the PUK supporters?
Saeed: Change List is a public entity. Pretty soon people of Kurdistan and the world will recognize what a strong public support the list enjoys. The list is a Kurdish list functioning in Kurdistan Region, but not in a specific city or district. Our massage and agenda is also to change the entire political and economical system of Kurdistan. We have formed a political chain of command. It is true that we are supported by a number of the former party officials of different parties but a huge number of youth, intellectuals, independent people and the Kurdish in Diaspora back us.
Rudaw: But do these old affiliates pose a threat to influence (the decisions of) the list and its members?
Saeed: No, they will not. What unites us is only a political program and its goals rule the members. No one can influence us.
Rudaw: You said that you are a list functioning all over the Kurdistan Region. But why you are not influential in Hawler and Duhok?
Saeed: The public support is different from a place to another. It is early to tell if our support and popularity in Sulaimaniya or Duhok or Hawler are strong or weak. The results of the elections will determine this. Yet, according to our knowledge we have public support in almost all the parts for Kurdistan Region.
Rudaw: Some say that your candidates in Hawler and the surrounding areas are not influential, that is why you don't have supporters there. What is your comment of those opinions?
Saeed: I think that they are not right. We have tried hard and some of our candidates are from the civil society organizations and some are well-known people. But it is not necessary that the candidates be only intellectuals or academic ones as for assigning the members of the parliament the geography, the social classification, age and specialization are to be considered.
Rudaw: Where do you get the money for the election campaigns?
Saeed: The list is funded by donations from people. We have a financial committee that supervises the collection of the financial donations and we have opened a bank account through which people support us.
Rudaw: In your opinion can you obtain enough seats to be able to form an active opposition in the parliament?
Saeed: The supporters of our list are increasing every moment. I am confident that these elections will change the entire political map of Kurdistan. I am certain that we or other sides can form a strong opposition.
Rudaw: In your election campaigns will you focus on your agenda or criticize the other lists?
Saeed: We will only campaign for our agenda. We might criticize the shortcomings but we don't let ourselves to launch personal attacks against others.
Rudaw: Will you attack any list?
Saeed: No at all. We resort only to dialogue and civil criticism, and we campaign only for our agenda.
Rudaw: But if another list launched attacks against your list, what are you going to do?
Saeed: In case there are any violations against us, we will resort to the High Electoral Commission and the courts in Kurdistan and Iraq. We will try to affect the public opinion in Kurdistan and the world concerning the violations. I don’t expect any attacks but in case it happened we will take position according to the size of the violation.
Rudaw: Some people believe that many people who voted to Islamists in the previous elections will vote to your list this time. What do you think about this?
Saeed: We will only count on those people who believe in our agenda.
Rudaw: Don't you expect that the Islamists will campaign against you?
Saeed: I don't expect that anyone is in war with us. We will take position when we encounter any hostility.
Rudaw: Some people are concerned that you may not accept the results of the elections.
Saeed: We accept the results of the elections if there are no violations and the results are not rigged. In case there is any fraud we will announce our position.
Tuesday, June 30, 2009
Day Ten - (Opinion) So What is the Problem?
Then of course there is the issue of the roads and bridges themselves. Built just like cars from knock off material they barely last a few years before once again they need to be rebuilt. Some neighbourhoods in the region just like the one I am living does not enjoy the luxury of a tar built street forcing cars to battle through the uneven dusty and rocky passage that has been carved out between buildings. Public transport in the region is also highly lacking. The two real forms of public transport within the city is am outdated bus network or its highly priced alternative the taxi network. Clearly then the infrastructural trunk of Iraqi Kurdistan needs much work to improve its withered condition.
The “branch” problems of our “problems tree” are defined by problems within the consumer industry, the political field, education, healthcare and employment. But surprisingly all of these issues can be explained by a single culture in Kurdish society that is the complete lack of quality control within the system. There is no public body that assesses conditions in these levels. Hence it is again not a shock to hear stories; that the food sold in shops in Kurdistan are often expired, health workers often treat their patients with little respect or dignity, students have poor teaching levels, trust in politicians is fading due to widespread corruption in the system and employment is often dealt with on the bases of who you know and not what you know.
These then are only some of the major problems within the Kurdish ‘problem tree’. What it is that really annoys the Iraqi Kurdish electorate is not that these problems exist because most understand that these issues will not be resolved overnight. The issue that angers residents is that they have been practicing self rule since 1991, that’s 18 years and the changes that people have seen are only cosmetic.
Ok! Ok! I hear the readers yelling at me we all know the problems but what needs to be done? In my view it is time for the candidates who are running for election to start making substance filled election promises to the electorate. It is no good for Nawshirwan Mustafa to campaign on a promise of change without outlining the intricate details of his change. How will he change the system? What will he do? The same goes for President Barzani and Jalal Talabani, and all other lists running. These promises become a way for the electorate in the next four years to hold these parties and lists to account and measure their success.
I have in short only touched on some very basic problems in the system there are further issues that will be discussed in future days, such as the separation of state and party and the overriding, universal principle of democracy that law must transcend every layer of society.
Monday, June 29, 2009
Day Nine - Dr Barham Salih on the Rise
“He is a 21st century Kurd in tune with today’s youth, and popular culture and is looking to reform the system from within”
“He is just another corrupt leader amongst the many we currently have in Kurdistan looking to make another buck”
Whatever your view of Dr Barham Saleh is it is important for all Kurds to devote time to get to know the next expected Prime Minister of the KRG. After waiting in the wings of Iraqi Politics for the last four years the PUK and KDP’s power sharing agreement is about to instate Dr Barham Salih as the regions next Prime Minister succeeding the current Prime Minister Nechirvan Barzani. This of course will only be the case if the Kurdistani List is able to keep the other competing lists at bay and win the majority of seats in parliament to form the next government.
With this in mind Dr Barham Salih has in recent months embarked on one of the most progressive PR campaigns that has ever been witnessed in Kurdish Politics. His PR campaign, firstly, begins on the streets of Kurdistan where he has become the face of the Kurdistani list in the PUK strongholds. You can’t miss his face as you walk past, public advertising boards, PUK headquarters, even lamp and electricity posts that all boast large posters of a smiling Dr Barham in front of the Kurdistani list logo. His campaign’s aggressiveness is evident as one walks through Suleymania where one struggles to be confronted with official Kurdistani List pictures of Iraqi President Jalal Talabani. In previous years one would have expected the streets to be littered with Jalal Talabani’s portrait.
Second, his PR campaign has reached the Kurdish airwaves where his speeches to residents of Kurdistan are televised to a home and international audience on KURDSAT, Gali Kurd, Kurdistan TV, and Zagros satellite channels. He also has been tasked with presenting numerous Kurdistani list campaign messages on these channels.
Thirdly, where Dr Barhams Salih’s PR campaign differs from many others in Kurdish history is that he understands and has utilised the power of new media to reach a younger and wider audience. Dr Barham Salih has also complimented his party based PR campaign with a personal online campaign. Today Dr Barham Salih is a regular user of the social networking websites, Twitter and Facebook with over 2000 followers. He has also created a website dedicated to his PR campaign.
Having said all this, we as Kurdish citizens must look past the PR mask and ask who is the man that is set to lead our government for the next four years? Dr Barham Salih, the suit wearing, educated family man by his own Twitter admission is a reformist at heart but one that believes reform should be done within the party apparatus. Born in 1960 he joined the PUK in 1976 and left Kurdistan in 1979 after being arrested twice by the Baathist government. While in diaspora he earned a degree in Civil and Structural Engineering at Cardiff University, a M.Sc. and Ph.D in Statistics and Computer Applications in Engineering at the University of Liverpool. Dr Barham Salih, often described by outsiders as Washington’s man, as he speaks flawless English and seems to understand the international political scene, has since worked within the KRG either as an international representative or as a political figure within the country.
As Prime Minister Dr Barham Salih’s main challenge will be to win back the electorates lost confidence in the PUK . This is particularly relevant in recent years as the PUK is under extreme strain from rival movements that are splintering from the PUK such as Nawshirwan Mustafa’s “Change” List. Many argue that the only way for him to revive the PUK and Kurdistani list is to push for internal reforms, push to root out corrupt elements and encourage a more transparent political establishment.
For more news on the KRG 2009 Elections please see krgelections2009.blogspot.com
Or search #kurdishelections on Twitter
Sunday, June 28, 2009
Day Eight - Colonel Dindar Yusif Kalash arrested for showing support for the "Change" List
Shkow Sharif
I have just received an email from Wladimir van Wilgenburg a fellow blogger covering the KRG Elections informing me of reports that a Peshmerga colonel (Colonel Dindar Yusif Kalash) has been arrested in Mosul for showing support to the "Change" list. This report has so far only been conformed by the "Change" list party website http://www.gorran.com/ and Wusha Corporation’s newspaper "Rojnama" (headed by Nawshirwan Mustafa the head of the "Change" list).
If this story proves to be true it is far removed from President Barzani's 'free election' rhetoric that has been deployed over the past few weeks.
Source: http://www.gorran.org/detail.aspx?id=143&LinkID=3
For more information follow Wladimir van Wilgenburg on his blog http://vvanwilgenburg.blogspot.com/
You can also follow election news on Twitter by searching #kurdishelection
Day Eight –Higher Security Committee Urged Not to Interfere in Elections
Shkow Sharif
Saturday, June 27, 2009
Day Seven - Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU) - If the Results of Elections are Fraud Then We’ll Take a Stance
London (KurdishMedia.com) 26 June 2009: Samir Salin, the political bureau member of the Kurdistan Islamic Union (KIU), said that if the results of elections are fraud, then we’ll take a stance. In the mean time, three American military battalions are put in the state of preparedness to face and quell any spasms and complexities resulted by armed groups. In a statement to Hawlati, Mr. Salim said that “if the people are not satisfied by the results of the elections, I am confidant that the [electoral] lists will not remain silent because competition is intense. There is a chance for fraud because there are already gaps within the [elections] commission with regard to its approach and the chance for fraud. We as the four Kurdistani parties will work as competitors in the arena and will not give in. I am confidant that the results will not be immune from fraud, but we want to keep it at a minimum.”
On the other hand, Fred Asesrd, the member of the PUK leadership committee, told Hawlati that "If the election results were not consistent with the desire of all the participating lists, there is fear that different stances may surface and citizens may come out to the streets. We hope that violence will not be part of any stances taken in the aftermath of the elections and nothing happens.”
Mr. Salif of the KIU also told Hawlati that “if any unhealthy military actions put the security of the Kurdistan people at stake, the US and the Iraqi military can intervene and control the situation. The Americans allow the use of medium size of force at present, and more than three U.S. battalions are stationed in the Kurdistan Region to monitor the situation closely. "
KurdishMedia.com
26/06/2009 00:00:00