Saturday, July 25, 2009
Election Day – 25th July
I have just placed my vote in Chamchamal and things there look highly peaceful. Apart from a few isolated voting irregularities the process so far seems free and fair. I have yet to see any international observers. My colleagues across the region are reporting the same information regarding the elections - Free, peaceful, fair with some Isolated incidents but looking good so far.
Thursday, July 23, 2009
Day Thirty Three - Election Monitors Arrive In Iraq's Kurdish Region
BAGHDAD (RFE/RL) -- Hundreds of international observers have arrived in the Kurdish autonomous region ahead of the July 25 parliamentary and presidential elections, RFE/RL's Radio Free Iraq (RFI) reports.
Hamdiya al-Husseini, the chairwoman of the Kurdish region's electoral commission, told RFI that about 350 foreign monitors have been registered along with over 7,000 local observers.
She said the international monitors come from various European countries, the United States, the National Democratic Institute, the International Republican Institute, and the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad.
There are also many observers from Middle Eastern countries. Husseini said the broad turnout shows the international interest in the Kurdish region's elections and serves as a safeguard for a free and fair vote. Hakam al-Shahwani, the UN representative for the Kurdish elections, told RFI that the local monitors were selected by the UN mission from NGO workers.
He added that most of the 7,000 local monitors are well known to the UN, which has been closely working with them over the past five years.
Shahwani said the entire monitoring operation is funded by the EU. NGO coordinator Hoger Chatu told RFI that the presence of international observers will hopefully persuade any poor losers from making unfounded accusations of fraud.
Kurdish voters will go to the polls on July 25 to elect a new president of the Kurdistan regional government and choose candidates from some 30 political entities and coalitions for the 111-seat regional parliament.
Source: Radio Free Europe/ Radio Liberty
Hamdiya al-Husseini, the chairwoman of the Kurdish region's electoral commission, told RFI that about 350 foreign monitors have been registered along with over 7,000 local observers.
She said the international monitors come from various European countries, the United States, the National Democratic Institute, the International Republican Institute, and the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad.
There are also many observers from Middle Eastern countries. Husseini said the broad turnout shows the international interest in the Kurdish region's elections and serves as a safeguard for a free and fair vote. Hakam al-Shahwani, the UN representative for the Kurdish elections, told RFI that the local monitors were selected by the UN mission from NGO workers.
He added that most of the 7,000 local monitors are well known to the UN, which has been closely working with them over the past five years.
Shahwani said the entire monitoring operation is funded by the EU. NGO coordinator Hoger Chatu told RFI that the presence of international observers will hopefully persuade any poor losers from making unfounded accusations of fraud.
Kurdish voters will go to the polls on July 25 to elect a new president of the Kurdistan regional government and choose candidates from some 30 political entities and coalitions for the 111-seat regional parliament.
Source: Radio Free Europe/ Radio Liberty
Days Thirty Two and Thirty Three - Troubled times in Iraqi Kurdistan
This week's elections in Iraqi Kurdistan could destroy one of its ruling parties – unless Iraq's Kurdish president steps in.
Ranj Alaaldin - Guardian.co.uk
On Saturday, Iraqi Kurdistan holds its parliamentary and presidential elections. Two parties, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic party (KDP), have historically governed the region with unassailable power and are joining forces under one list for these elections. They will almost certainly be returned to power by the voters.
Though the status quo is likely to continue for a while, in the longer term there are serious questions to be asked about the future of the PUK. Formed in 1975 by Jalal Talabani (now Iraqi president) it started off as a leftist umbrella organisation and gradually became a centrist social democratic movement.
Since its inception the PUK has overcome numerous threats to its existence, including breakaway groups in the 1980s, civil war with the KDP in the mid-1990s, and a Baghdad dictatorship up until 2003. Now, as well as being a major force within Kurdish politics, the party also has a commanding presence in Baghdad politics through Talabani's presidency and the deputy premiership of Dr Barham Salih.
Despite its achievements, the PUK is plagued with discontent and division. Talabani, in charge of the party for nearly 34 years, has been denounced for holding unaccountable power and privileges, and now sees criticism transformed into resignations and a factional battle that pits so-called reformists against his so-far loyal circle of followers. Despite umpteen promises, and much to the dismay of party officials, Talabani has continuously delayed holding a PUK congress. The restlessness showed in February when four senior-ranking officials resigned in protest against the lack of reform.
As it stands, the lethargic PUK, led by an ailing leader, plays second fiddle to the financially more powerful, organised, effective and systematically-run KDP, led by Massoud Barzani, which is on course to become the only source of authority within the region. Discontent may exist within the KDP too, but it is not easily identifiable. KDP members unconditionally accept that they operate within an uncompromising hierarchical system. Talabani may still see no reason to concede, however. Despite countless challenges to his leadership over the past 10 years, his hold on power has so far remained unscathed.
But post-2003 Iraq presents a dramatically altered reality for Talabani and his party. Talabani's former deputy and co-founder of the PUK, Newshirwan Mustafa, an intellectual who led a significant faction within the PUK, has left the party, formed his own list to contest the elections, and taken his followers with him. Like others before him, Mustafa attempted to change the party from within, but failed. Now, his "Change" list, backed by a powerful media platform, offers voters an alternative with promises of reform and modernisation.
The uncertainty that Mustafa has injected into the PUK – and the current election – could complicate things with devastating effect. He gives a discontent electorate the chance to voice their disenchantment in unprecedented fashion and could thus attract the protest vote, particularly in his hometown, but also the PUK stronghold province of Sulaymania.
The consequences would be far-reaching: a disgraced PUK would lose its commanding presence in parliament, lose the confidence of the electorate and give way to unchecked KDP dominance. The party could, therefore, find itself rapidly and irreversibly deteriorating. Of course, the PUK could still perform well at the polls, and is likely to do so, but there is another matter that could help to trigger the PUK's destruction – the choice of Kurdistan's next regional prime minister.
The PUK and KDP, as a coalition government, have a number of agreements to divide key governmental positions equally between them. The Kurdistan region presidency, for example, is held by the KDP in return for its support for a Talabani presidency in Baghdad. Most important of all is the KRG premiership which carries a host of decision-making powers. A KDP official, Nechirvan Barzani, also holds this position. He should have relinquished the role to the PUK in 2008 but, with Talabani's consent and against the will of PUK politburo members, is to carry on until after the elections; the understanding was that he would then make way for leading PUK candidate Barham Salih.
However, these power-sharing arrangements will start to break down if the PUK becomes perceived as a party in decline and, in light of the current climate of tumultuousness surrounding the PUK, the KDP is still yet to publicly endorse any PUK candidate; in accordance with strategic nous, it will push to keep its options open rather than commit to any agreement at a time of great uncertainty for its historic rival.
Of note is that Talabani has so far remained indifferent to this and as a result leaves himself vulnerable to targeted exploitation and pressure by the KDP which could aim for increased concessions. In doing so, the concern is that, with his back to the wall and confidence almost lost in party cadres, Talabani considers the PUK beyond repair and sacrificial, and is now focused on a power-hoarding process that secures another presidential term and, in the longer-run, personal rather than PUK interests that extend beyond the political arena. Specifically, discontent members fear that Talabani is looking ahead and in anticipation of a power-struggle within the PUK is grooming his son to be his successor. He may therefore acquiesce to a KDP premiership to secure long-term family interests, irrespective of the election outcome.
But inaction is not an option for the PUK. Failure to get the premiership, reinvigorate itself and failure to act astutely and decisively could individually and/or collectively trigger the complete breakdown of the party. The PUK could soon find itself with a disillusioned electorate that no longer takes it seriously and a humiliated rank and file that no longer will be content with another four years of increased KDP political prowess while the PUK destroys itself. For Talabani, it is no longer feasible to rely on patronage and sycophants; it is nigh time for him to choose between becoming either the PUK's greatest asset or its greatest liability.
Ranj Alaaldin - Guardian.co.uk
On Saturday, Iraqi Kurdistan holds its parliamentary and presidential elections. Two parties, the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) and the Kurdistan Democratic party (KDP), have historically governed the region with unassailable power and are joining forces under one list for these elections. They will almost certainly be returned to power by the voters.
Though the status quo is likely to continue for a while, in the longer term there are serious questions to be asked about the future of the PUK. Formed in 1975 by Jalal Talabani (now Iraqi president) it started off as a leftist umbrella organisation and gradually became a centrist social democratic movement.
Since its inception the PUK has overcome numerous threats to its existence, including breakaway groups in the 1980s, civil war with the KDP in the mid-1990s, and a Baghdad dictatorship up until 2003. Now, as well as being a major force within Kurdish politics, the party also has a commanding presence in Baghdad politics through Talabani's presidency and the deputy premiership of Dr Barham Salih.
Despite its achievements, the PUK is plagued with discontent and division. Talabani, in charge of the party for nearly 34 years, has been denounced for holding unaccountable power and privileges, and now sees criticism transformed into resignations and a factional battle that pits so-called reformists against his so-far loyal circle of followers. Despite umpteen promises, and much to the dismay of party officials, Talabani has continuously delayed holding a PUK congress. The restlessness showed in February when four senior-ranking officials resigned in protest against the lack of reform.
As it stands, the lethargic PUK, led by an ailing leader, plays second fiddle to the financially more powerful, organised, effective and systematically-run KDP, led by Massoud Barzani, which is on course to become the only source of authority within the region. Discontent may exist within the KDP too, but it is not easily identifiable. KDP members unconditionally accept that they operate within an uncompromising hierarchical system. Talabani may still see no reason to concede, however. Despite countless challenges to his leadership over the past 10 years, his hold on power has so far remained unscathed.
But post-2003 Iraq presents a dramatically altered reality for Talabani and his party. Talabani's former deputy and co-founder of the PUK, Newshirwan Mustafa, an intellectual who led a significant faction within the PUK, has left the party, formed his own list to contest the elections, and taken his followers with him. Like others before him, Mustafa attempted to change the party from within, but failed. Now, his "Change" list, backed by a powerful media platform, offers voters an alternative with promises of reform and modernisation.
The uncertainty that Mustafa has injected into the PUK – and the current election – could complicate things with devastating effect. He gives a discontent electorate the chance to voice their disenchantment in unprecedented fashion and could thus attract the protest vote, particularly in his hometown, but also the PUK stronghold province of Sulaymania.
The consequences would be far-reaching: a disgraced PUK would lose its commanding presence in parliament, lose the confidence of the electorate and give way to unchecked KDP dominance. The party could, therefore, find itself rapidly and irreversibly deteriorating. Of course, the PUK could still perform well at the polls, and is likely to do so, but there is another matter that could help to trigger the PUK's destruction – the choice of Kurdistan's next regional prime minister.
The PUK and KDP, as a coalition government, have a number of agreements to divide key governmental positions equally between them. The Kurdistan region presidency, for example, is held by the KDP in return for its support for a Talabani presidency in Baghdad. Most important of all is the KRG premiership which carries a host of decision-making powers. A KDP official, Nechirvan Barzani, also holds this position. He should have relinquished the role to the PUK in 2008 but, with Talabani's consent and against the will of PUK politburo members, is to carry on until after the elections; the understanding was that he would then make way for leading PUK candidate Barham Salih.
However, these power-sharing arrangements will start to break down if the PUK becomes perceived as a party in decline and, in light of the current climate of tumultuousness surrounding the PUK, the KDP is still yet to publicly endorse any PUK candidate; in accordance with strategic nous, it will push to keep its options open rather than commit to any agreement at a time of great uncertainty for its historic rival.
Of note is that Talabani has so far remained indifferent to this and as a result leaves himself vulnerable to targeted exploitation and pressure by the KDP which could aim for increased concessions. In doing so, the concern is that, with his back to the wall and confidence almost lost in party cadres, Talabani considers the PUK beyond repair and sacrificial, and is now focused on a power-hoarding process that secures another presidential term and, in the longer-run, personal rather than PUK interests that extend beyond the political arena. Specifically, discontent members fear that Talabani is looking ahead and in anticipation of a power-struggle within the PUK is grooming his son to be his successor. He may therefore acquiesce to a KDP premiership to secure long-term family interests, irrespective of the election outcome.
But inaction is not an option for the PUK. Failure to get the premiership, reinvigorate itself and failure to act astutely and decisively could individually and/or collectively trigger the complete breakdown of the party. The PUK could soon find itself with a disillusioned electorate that no longer takes it seriously and a humiliated rank and file that no longer will be content with another four years of increased KDP political prowess while the PUK destroys itself. For Talabani, it is no longer feasible to rely on patronage and sycophants; it is nigh time for him to choose between becoming either the PUK's greatest asset or its greatest liability.
Tuesday, July 21, 2009
Day Thirty One - Expectations of wide participation in Kurdistan's elections
As the parliamentary and presidential elections day in Kurdistan approaches, officials and political analysts expect a wide participation and strong competition.
Member of the central Committee of the Kurdistan Communist Party Zerk Kamal, told Aswat al-Iraq news agency "the elections will witness a wide participation from voters as there are several candidates for the presidency, in addition to the electoral lists which reached 24 in the elections."
Speaker of the Kurdistan's parliament, Adnan Mufti, had said on Sunday (July 19) that "we expect 80 percent participation of Kurdish voters in the coming elections."
The IHEC has set July 25 as the date for parliamentary elections in the Kurdistan region. The elections will coincide with the presidential polls.
A total of 507 candidates from several political blocs and five alliances are competing for 111 seats in the upcoming parliamentary polls.
Parliamentary polls in the region were scheduled to be held on May 19, but were postponed due to the Parliament's endorsement of the amended law on elections.
For her part, the spokesperson for the Kurdistan List, Suzanne Khala, said "there are several voters who will participate in the electoral process on July 25," asserting that it's an indicator that Kurds are eager to practice the democratic process and to express their opinion.
"I expect that the participation percentage will reach 80 percent as there are some people who do not wish to exercise their electoral rights and I'm sorry for that, but there is never 100 percent participation in any elections in the world. 80 percent is a very encouraging percentage," she added.
Leader of the Kurdistan Islamic Union, Hamed Mohamed, said that he believes that the participation percentage will range between 50 and 70 percent.
Rebin Rasoul, a political analyst, voiced belief that elections will witness a high participation percentage.
He said that voters have expressed eagerness and desire to take part in the elections as there is a strong competitiveness to win parliamentary seats.
"Voters believe that their votes have value and are different than those in former elections," he added.
Head of the Tamouz organization for social development, Fiyan Sheikh, agreed with Rasoul that the elections will witness a high participation percentage which will reach 80 percent.
"We will watch the elections. We started from the stage to register voters, and we are currently monitoring the electoral campaign," she said.
Source - Kurdish Globe
Member of the central Committee of the Kurdistan Communist Party Zerk Kamal, told Aswat al-Iraq news agency "the elections will witness a wide participation from voters as there are several candidates for the presidency, in addition to the electoral lists which reached 24 in the elections."
Speaker of the Kurdistan's parliament, Adnan Mufti, had said on Sunday (July 19) that "we expect 80 percent participation of Kurdish voters in the coming elections."
The IHEC has set July 25 as the date for parliamentary elections in the Kurdistan region. The elections will coincide with the presidential polls.
A total of 507 candidates from several political blocs and five alliances are competing for 111 seats in the upcoming parliamentary polls.
Parliamentary polls in the region were scheduled to be held on May 19, but were postponed due to the Parliament's endorsement of the amended law on elections.
For her part, the spokesperson for the Kurdistan List, Suzanne Khala, said "there are several voters who will participate in the electoral process on July 25," asserting that it's an indicator that Kurds are eager to practice the democratic process and to express their opinion.
"I expect that the participation percentage will reach 80 percent as there are some people who do not wish to exercise their electoral rights and I'm sorry for that, but there is never 100 percent participation in any elections in the world. 80 percent is a very encouraging percentage," she added.
Leader of the Kurdistan Islamic Union, Hamed Mohamed, said that he believes that the participation percentage will range between 50 and 70 percent.
Rebin Rasoul, a political analyst, voiced belief that elections will witness a high participation percentage.
He said that voters have expressed eagerness and desire to take part in the elections as there is a strong competitiveness to win parliamentary seats.
"Voters believe that their votes have value and are different than those in former elections," he added.
Head of the Tamouz organization for social development, Fiyan Sheikh, agreed with Rasoul that the elections will witness a high participation percentage which will reach 80 percent.
"We will watch the elections. We started from the stage to register voters, and we are currently monitoring the electoral campaign," she said.
Source - Kurdish Globe
Monday, July 20, 2009
Day Thirty - Interview with Mala Baxtiar
An interview with Mala Baxtiar regarding the elections. Worth a read, some interesting statements and definite animosity.
Interview by Wladimir van Wilgenburg
Interview found here , http://www.ekurd.net/mismas/articles/misc2009/7/independentstate2943.htm
Interview by Wladimir van Wilgenburg
Interview found here , http://www.ekurd.net/mismas/articles/misc2009/7/independentstate2943.htm
Sunday, July 19, 2009
Day Twenty Nine - PKK rebels back re-election of Kurd chief Barzani
QANDIL, Iraq — The Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK) rebel group said on Saturday that it hoped the region's president Massud Barzani would be re-elected to his post in polls next week.
But the Turkish Kurd rebel group, which has long taken refuge in remote mountainous bases in northern Iraq, declined to officially endorse any candidates in the July 25 election.
"We do not support any presidential candidates in Kurdistan, but we think that Massud Barzani is capable of carrying out this job in these sensitive times," senior PKK official Murad Qiralian told AFP in an interview.
Regarding legislative elections, which will be held alongside the presidential polls, Qiralian said the PKK had "chosen to be neutral and we do not support any particular list against another."
"We hope that the elections will be free and democratic, though we think that democracy has been violated with the banning of the al-Amal list from participating," he added in the Qandil mountains where he is based.
Iraq's electoral commission barred the Al-Hal party, which is close to the PKK from participating in the vote with its Al-Amal (hope in Arabic) list -- a decision seen by the party as politically-motivated.
The PKK, listed as a terrorist group by Ankara and much of the international community, took up arms in 1984, sparking a conflict that has claimed about 45,000 lives.
Ankara has long accused Iraqi Kurds of aiding the PKK but during a visit to Baghdad by Turkish President Abdullah Gul in March, his Iraqi counterpart Jalal Talabani -- himself a Kurd -- warned the rebels to lay down their guns or leave the country.
Six candidates have registered to contest the presidency in the Kurdish elections, including Barzani, while around 40 political entities have registered to contest the 111 seats in the assembly.
The vote will also mark the first time the president of the autonomous region of Kurdistan will be elected by popular vote. In 2005, Barzani was elected by the local parliament.
Source : AFP
But the Turkish Kurd rebel group, which has long taken refuge in remote mountainous bases in northern Iraq, declined to officially endorse any candidates in the July 25 election.
"We do not support any presidential candidates in Kurdistan, but we think that Massud Barzani is capable of carrying out this job in these sensitive times," senior PKK official Murad Qiralian told AFP in an interview.
Regarding legislative elections, which will be held alongside the presidential polls, Qiralian said the PKK had "chosen to be neutral and we do not support any particular list against another."
"We hope that the elections will be free and democratic, though we think that democracy has been violated with the banning of the al-Amal list from participating," he added in the Qandil mountains where he is based.
Iraq's electoral commission barred the Al-Hal party, which is close to the PKK from participating in the vote with its Al-Amal (hope in Arabic) list -- a decision seen by the party as politically-motivated.
The PKK, listed as a terrorist group by Ankara and much of the international community, took up arms in 1984, sparking a conflict that has claimed about 45,000 lives.
Ankara has long accused Iraqi Kurds of aiding the PKK but during a visit to Baghdad by Turkish President Abdullah Gul in March, his Iraqi counterpart Jalal Talabani -- himself a Kurd -- warned the rebels to lay down their guns or leave the country.
Six candidates have registered to contest the presidency in the Kurdish elections, including Barzani, while around 40 political entities have registered to contest the 111 seats in the assembly.
The vote will also mark the first time the president of the autonomous region of Kurdistan will be elected by popular vote. In 2005, Barzani was elected by the local parliament.
Source : AFP
Saturday, July 18, 2009
Week Four – Election Report
End of the Carrot Rise of the Stick
Shkow Sharif
Week Four has been the week that has scarred the peaceful democratic process that was promised for these elections. This week’s campaigning has been defined by isolated cross-list incidents of violence which has generated fears that tit for tat violence may escalate in to more organised attacks. Week four has also been the week that international community have started to take an interest in the regional elections.
The day after the Week Three Election Report was filed the blog received word from credible sources that there had been a grenade attack on the home of a “Change” List supporter in their stronghold town of Chamchamal. The victim was a gentleman who the previous day had been on KNN Television (Nawshirwan Mustafa’s Channel) publicly pledging his support for the “Change” List.
However, to everybody’s surprise the incident was not aired by KNN in their evening news. Senior members of the Change list explained that they did not report the news because they believed it would be counterproductive as it threatened to scare vast numbers of people away from the their list.
Following this, a high profile incident, involving Shiekh Jaffar Shekh Mustafa the KRG’s Minister of Defence and Peshmerga Affairs turned the KNN /‘Change stance’ on its head. Shiekh Jaffar Shekh Mustafa, had according to media outlets “personally attacked unarmed [“Change” List supporters], assaulted reporters and vandalised numerous cars in Sulaimaniyah’s Tooymalik Avenue.” This episode sparked a chain reaction of tit for tat attacks between both sets of supporters. While the violence claimed numerous victims the rival lists took the opportunity to use the incidents as propaganda against their rivals.
In a bid to bring the situation under control and to demonstrate authority, an arrest warrant was issued by Judge Sirwan Ahmed Salih at the Suleymania City Court for the arrest of Sheikh Jaffar. This was watershed for two reasons; first, it marked the first time that a Minister in the region has been given an arrest warrant by a regional court and second first reports of real election violence were now being reported on the airwaves.
In another of the weeks most notable shifts the international media and international community have began their coverage and rhetoric on the KRG elections. The coverage began with a Rudaw report suggesting 3000 international observers would be stationed in the region to monitor the election promise. This was then followed by International media outlets including Reuters, the Washington Post, and the Economist.
The British Consul also made this the first week that they publicly discussed the election process, taking an expected neutral stance they praised the Kurdish Region but warned that they must not be complacent and must be aware of violence that may erupt as a result.
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